Friday, 28 July 2017


ndia’s electric vehicle revolution faces major hurdles

Published on 
High costs and a lack of public charging stations pose a challenge to bold EV target, say experts, not helped by inconsistent government policy

An early Reva electric car model (Pic: Premkudva via Wikimedia Commons)
By 
Ashok Datar bought a Reva, the first electric car made in India, in 2006 for 600,000 rupees ($9,200 at today’s prices).
A retired economist and head of the Mumbai Environmental Social Network, which advocates public transport, Datar wanted to practice what he preached.

“On the whole, it was a good experience,” he says. “I must have done about 40,000 kilometres. I changed the lithium batteries, which cost $3,000, twice, which is steep. With the falling prices of solar power, it should be possible to charge these vehicles more cheaply.”

Datar is upbeat about India’s ambitious plan to sell only electric vehicles from 2030, a whole decade before the UK and France. He enthuses about the potential for power-assisted bicycles and auto rickshaws, which are more widely affordable than cars.

But there is a long way to go. Only 1% of all passenger vehicles are electric in a country which is the fifth largest market for such vehicles in the world. That amounts to 400,000 two-wheelers and a few thousand cars, according to the Society of Manufacturers of Electric Vehicles (SMEV) in Delhi.

High prices and a lack of public charging infrastructure are major barriers to a wider rollout. Limited and sporadic government subsidies go only part way to addressing those obstacles.

Lithium batteries, which account for 60% of the cost of a two-wheeler, need replacing every few years and are imported from China, Alok Ray of SMEV tells Climate Home.
Indian state-backed researchers and private companies are starting to invest in domestic innovation and manufacturing. Mahindra Electric, a branch of India’s major automobile manufacturer that bought the Reva from its pioneering founder in 2010, has funded a start-up called Lithium Urban Technologies in Bengaluru. But it is early days yet for producers of electric batteries.

Government backing has come in fits and starts, making investment risky. “The government isn’t clear about its policy to support electric vehicles,” says Ray. “The ministry of new and renewable energy withdrew a R5,500 subsidy [$86] for a two-wheeler in 2012. While there was a market for 100,000 two-wheelers at this reduced price, the next year we only sold 16,000.”

This ministry provided the subsidy through a $15 million Alternate Fuels for Surface Transportation Programme, of which the EV industry was a beneficiary. After its withdrawal, the market crashed and around 1,000 dealers and eight manufacturers shut down their EV businesses.

Scooters like Hero Electric’s Optima, with a top speed of 25 km/h, do not require a driving licence, registration or number plate (Pic: Viswaprabha via Wikimedia Commons)

In its 2015-16 budget, the government introduced a new subsidy under FAME – Faster Adoption and Manufacture of Electric (and Hybrid) Vehicles in India, under which manufacturers are reimbursed 15% of the cost of the vehicle.

Small petrol or diesel-fuelled models remain cheaper than the Reva, however. Mahindra Electric produces only 200 electric cars a month.

From 1 July, a 12% goods and services tax will apply to EVs, further hampering the industry’s growth.

It stands in contrast with China, where government subsidies nearly halve the cost of EVs, while there are disincentives for conventional vehicles. It is different, too, to the consumer-driven US market, where Tesla’s cheapest model retails at $35,000 – far beyond the budget of Indian buyers.

And a shortage of charging stations, even in cities, limits the range that EVs can ply. While the exact number is hard to pin down, PlugIn India lists just 222 community charging stations across the entire country. Electricity distribution is largely under public control and Indian laws make it difficult for the private sector to get involved.
The government ministers responsible for road transport, electricity and oil – Nitin Gadkari, Piyush Goyal and Dharmendra Pradhan respectively – have floated ideas to boost the emerging industry.

These include stimulating demand by ordering 270,000 EVs, including 20,000 buses, and making charging stations free for three years, funded by a cess on oil. It remains to be seen whether these plans will materialise.

In May, a report by state-backed think-tank NITI Aayog and Rocky Mountain Institute in the US called for a 15-year plan to limit registration of conventional vehicles by lottery.
With better urban design, the report says, much of mobility demand can be met by non-motorised transit and public transit, while access to vehicle-charging infrastructure enables higher penetration of electric vehicles.

To address the lack of charging infrastructure, it recommends providing standardised, swappable batteries for two- and three-wheelers (auto rickshaws) on a pay-per-use business model.

The solutions will depend on private sector innovation as well as government interventions.

This may be taxi or bus companies using their bulk buying power to bring down prices. In Nagpur, Ola – India’s answer to Uber – has launched a fleet of 200 EVs, from e-rickshaws to electric buses, supported by 50 charging points across the city. Maharashtra state is waiving VAT, road tax and registration on EVs to encourage take-up.

Hero MotoCorp, the world’s largest manufacturer of two-wheelers, is investing in start-up Ather Energy, which plans to roll out its first indigenous electric scooter in December, as well as developing EVs internally through its Hero Electric business.

Ather founder Tarun Mehta tells Climate Home the company is in talks with owners of malls, offices, restaurants and grocery stories to install charging stations, and creating a prototype for residential buildings. Initially, Ather proposes to pay the building for the electricity and pass it on to customers for free, to kick-start the model.

The pioneer of India’s EV industry is Chetan Maini, who made the Reva. Maini’s Virya Mobility 5.0 is now joining hands with SUN New Energy Systems to form SUN Mobility to accelerate the mass use of EVs. It plans to deploy a smart network of quick interchange battery stations. “These stations, predominantly powered by renewable energy, will refuel electric vehicles at a cost lower and speed faster than conventional petrol pumps,” say the promoters.

“We have to address the cost of energy, which includes the battery and electricity,” Maini tells Climate Home. “The Indian market is price-sensitive, so we have to create solutions that enable such transformations. The space taken for charging two- and three-wheelers (auto rickshaws) is less than that required for cars, which present a greater challenge.”
It the obstacles can be overcome, EVs – combined with communications technology to make efficient use of them – have enormous potential to save energy and prevent air pollution. The NITI Aayog report claims e-mobility will reduce oil demand in 2030 by 156 million tonnes compared to relying on conventional vehicles, worth around $60 billion at today’s prices.

If India can get ahead of the game, it also represents a substantial export opportunity.
EV pioneer Maini says: “The 15 years of experience taught us that it is very important to go global. We had to deal with different consumers and markets – the global market was in fact bigger than the domestic one.

“We learned product development needs: in 2002, hardly anyone exported anything from India, let alone cars. Our biggest market was the UK, where the government waived the London congestion tax and reduced parking charges.

“In hindsight, it was a mistake to rely on the government’s support. This was a business that should stand on its own feet, with support from the ground.”

New Delhi has been through a fuel transition before, in 2001, when it became the first city in the world to require public vehicles to run on compressed natural gas. The move, intended to reduce air pollution, did not go smoothly, but it happened. When gas was introduced, Maini recalls, it required huge tanks at petrol stations and there were endless queues for taxis and rickshaws to fill their vehicles, as there still are. “With electricity, it is only wires, so it’s easier to manage. It marks a fundamental shift: it will call for business sense as well as environmental sense.”

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Thursday, 8 June 2017


http://www.climatechangenews.com/2017/06/08/indias-tumbling-solar-prices-race-extinction/

India’s tumbling solar prices ‘a race to extinction’


India’s record-breaking solar prices are driven by a distorted market, in thrall to cheap Chinese imports, say analysts

By 
News of record-low solar prices in India – celebrated as a victory for renewable energy over coal – masks a brittle and unsustainable industry, utterly dependent on China, solar power developers and analysts have told Climate Home.
In May, Acme Solar, a leading Indian solar power company, won the tender for a 200MW project at a solar park in Rajasthan bidding Rs 2.44/kWh (US$0.04), an all-time low. This smashed the previous record of Rs 3.15, set just a month before.
Government officials point out that the current price of solar is lower than the average price of coal-based power. The average price of power generated by coal-fired plants belonging to India’s largest power utility, the National Thermal Power Corporation, is Rs 3.20/kWh.
Solar still comprises only 1% of the electricity generated in the country, but is the fastest growing source. According to the Central Electricity Authority, solar’s contribution to Indian electricity generation jumped 81% in the 2016-17 financial year, an extraordinary leap in a single year.
Bids that set solar prices from large farms have fallen by an average of 73% since 2010 in India. A recent auction, not included on this graph, pushed the price down even further to Rs 2.44 (Source: Mercom)
Ambitious renewable energy targets are driving India to add 8.8GW in new solar capacity this year – a further 69% growth. During 2017, India will overtake Japan as the third largest solar market worldwide after China and the US.
However of late, the pace of new tender announcements and completed auctions has slowed significantly, according to analysts Bridge to India. The bidding for new solar tenders is conducted as a “reverse auction”, where sellers of solar power – rather than buyers – bid the lowest prices, which can’t be raised for 25 years. State power corporations – who want access to the cheapest power possible – are waiting and watching to see whether the current auction prices fall further, instead of binding themselves to the current prices.
Adding to the bottleneck, southern states have expanded their solar capacity rapidly and are already much of the way to reaching targets set for 2022.
All this means the prices of large-scale solar are being depressed beyond what is sustainable, said Gyanesh Chaudhary, who heads Vikram Solar, India’s largest maker of solar photo voltaic (SPV) panels.
“This is a race to extinction,” he said. “These bids are unviable. India at one point was a trailblazer at what it was doing. It is one of the top three markets globally in terms of annual generation. It is also giving the world a fright in terms of prices bottoming out.”
Asked how SBG Cleantech was able to make such aggressive bids, beating its own Rs 4.34/kWh, set 18 months ago, executive chairman Manoj Kohli said the most important change in the global solar sector was that the price of solar modules – which are largely manufactured in China – had come down by 35% in 18 months.
“This is a global phenomenon led by China, and has nothing to do with the Indian market specifically. Everyone who is buying from China has benefited,” he said.
Raj Prabhu, co-founder of Mercom Capital, clean energy analysts in Texas and Bengaluru [Bangalore], told Climate Home many project developers in India, anticipating massive demand, had hired large staff. When that didn’t arrive they found themselves in trouble.
“There is so much pent-up demand for large-scale solar projects that developers are willing to sacrifice returns to win projects so that they can utilise their idle staff and resources,” said Prabhu.
“It is a vicious circle,” he said. As solar tariffs have fallen, government agencies in other regions have asked developers to rework their bids to match the new low price, this slows down the process, which in turn creates a glut among developers, so they bid even lower. “And so on.”
Ashwini Kumar, managing director of the state-owned Solar Energy Corporation of India, told Climate Home he wasn’t worried about the falling bids. “There were 27 bidders in the last few auctions for 700-800MW [solar farms] and they had obviously done their arithmetic.”
But Santosh Kamath, partner at consultancy KPMG expressing his personal views, told Climate Home: “If the true cost of manufacture is taken into account, even for Chinese imports, the current bids may not be viable. At present, Chinese panel prices are sold below cost because of the oversupply in the global market.
“In the auctions, bidders have factored in a further fall in panel prices into the next 15-18 months when projects need to be delivered,” he said.
If module prices were to reflect true manufacturing costs, said Kamath, the price developers are bidding would need to be Rs 0.50-60 higher for every kilowatt hour.
The problem of cheap solar panels flooding the market is a difficult one to control from within India. In 2015-2016, India imported $2.34bn worth of cells, of which 84% were from China. India relies on thin-film technologies, which are cheaper, but less efficient that standard silicon cells. Thin-film depends on “rare earth” metals on which China has a near-monopoly.
“China has such an advantage in scale and pricing,” said Mercom’s Prabhu. “They are now by default the solar manufacturers for the world. If you go to Japan, India or the US, [Chinese products] not only dominate but the market depends on those low prices to make a decent return.”
Thus India’s solar developers are subject to the whims of the Chinese government’s currency and export decisions, said Sajal Ghosh and Rohit Prasad from the Management Development Institute (MDI) in a recent article on Live Mint.
“China uses predatory pricing and dumps cheap thin-film solar cells to capture the Indian market in the absence of any anti-dumping duty imposed by India,” the academics said.
In May, Power Minister Piyush Goyal said that the government would promote indigenous manufacture of high quality solar equipment.
But KPMG’s Kamath said the low auction bids were suppressing local industry. “If the government policy intends to support domestic manufacturing, there ought to be some protection like safeguard duties,” he said.
Ghosh and Prasad suggested a different type of auction should be implemented to ensure developers do not regret making overly aggressive bids. A ‘dynamic auction’ is more transparent and allows companies to start higher and work their way down. “This allows market information to become public, and reduces uncertainty for bidders.”
In India’s quest to become a global solar leader, the rapidly declining solar tariffs have been held as an example of the country’s success and emergence as a competitor. But if those tumbling records become a deterrent to would-be bidders, India’s solar revolution may fall victim to its own success.

Thursday, 18 May 2017



http://www.climatechangenews.com/2017/05/16/indian-coal-plant-paid-150m-sit-idle/

The Indian coal plant getting paid $150m to sit idle


Consumers are footing the bill for Rattan India’s Amravati power station, a “shocking” example of a dysfunctional sector
Amravati coal power station owned by Rattan India is surplus to requirements (Pic: Rattan India)

By 
An Indian coal-fired power plant is to be paid 983 crore rupees ($150 million) this financial year for generators that are sitting idle.

The Rattan India plant in Amravati, Maharashtra state was brought online between 2013 and 2015, as part of a coal power boom. Already, it is all but redundant.
It is one of the most expensive examples of excess capacity procurement that is inflating power prices and subsidising dirty energy across the country.
State-owned Mahadiscom, the world’s second largest electricity distribution company, is bearing the fixed cost of 1,200MW under its power purchase agreement (PPA) with Rattan India. The agreement rewards the developer for creating capacity regardless of how much electricity actually reaches consumers.
That contract is worth nearly $600m over the four years to 2020, yet Mahadiscom forecasts the capacity will be needed only a fraction of that time. It plans to completely “back down” the plant from April 2017 to March 2018, documents show.
The unit cost works out at a “shocking” $2.40 a kilowatt hour, almost 40 times the market rate, calculates AP Ganguly, a consultant with the Confederation of Real Estate Developers of India in Nagpur, the nearest big city.
“The [distribution company] doesn’t need power; there’s no demand for it,” he told Climate Home, adding that he had raised his concerns with the state electricity regulator.
Without the payments to idle generators, the state’s power tariff would be one-tenth cheaper and that much more affordable.

Ashwini Chitnis from the Pune-based energy analysts Prayas said: “What this indicates is that Mahadiscom has contracted more capacity than what it needs and with increasing open access and falling prices of renewables, demand [for coal power] is going to further reduce.
“Under such circumstances Mahadiscom should not enter into any new long term PPAs and should seriously start thinking about managing its surplus power better and selling it to [states with a power deficit].”
The picture in Maharashtra, India’s second largest industrial state, is replicated elsewhere, with many existing plants running at less than full capacity.
In July 2016, the average load factor of plants nationwide hit a historic low of 54%, meaning they were generating just over half the time. If investors were assuming an 85% rate, which the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) advises is normal, they are in for disappointment. 
Despite this weak performance, more plants are in the pipeline. A Greenpeace report in October 2016 identified 65GW of coal power stations under construction and projects totalling 178 GW at various stages of obtaining permissions.
The report forecast that 94% of the capacity being built would not be needed in 2022, representing $49 billion of wasted investment.
Ajay Shankar, a former top official in the power ministry, said there was a “gigantic stranded asset problem, with promoters and their lenders in deep trouble”.
One solution, he suggested, was for the government to boost demand by stepping up its rural electrification scheme, which is now restricted to families below the poverty line. Half the households in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar states cannot afford to pay for power. This could be financed from the Clean Energy Fund, which has raised $8.5 billion since 2010 from a levy on coal.
Switching to electricity would reduce the emissions of black carbon from the use of kerosene lamps, which along with smoky cook stoves are a major source of air pollution in all of south Asia, contributing to what is known as the “Asian brown cloud”.

Climate advocates prefer to highlight the opportunity for India to steer away from burning coal, one of the biggest drivers of global warming.
Under its contribution to the Paris Agreement, India has committed to generating at least 40% of its power from non-fossil fuel sources by 2030. Plans to ramp up coal generation are incompatible with that target, a recent report from the University of California and NGO Coal Swarm stressed.
Steven Davis, study co-author from the University of California, Irvine, said: “India is facing a dilemma of its own making. Its proposed coal plants will almost single-handedly jeopardize the internationally agreed-upon climate target of avoiding more than 1.5C of mean global warming.
“We’ve done calculations to figure out that India’s Paris pledges might be met if it built these plants and only ran them 40% of the time, but that’d be a colossal waste of money, and once built, there’d be huge incentives to run the plants more despite the nation’s contrary climate goals.”
Christine Shearer of Coal Swarm, an NGO that tracks coal power development globally, said: “These plants therefore risk either locking out the country’s renewable electricity goals or becoming stranded assets operating well below optimal rates and leading to financial losses.”

The story of Rattan India, developer of the Amravati plant, is typical of the sector. An offshoot of India Bulls real estate developers, it is one of several private companies to enter the power business on a wave of expansion. A decade ago, India began to add 10GW of thermal power capacity a year, which then doubled as the economy took off.
The tide is turning. Fuel shortages, scams in allotting coal mine licences, high coal import costs, bad contracts and a subsequent policy paralysis have all hit investor confidence.
With many of its projects failing to bear fruit, shares in Rattan India plummeted from a high of Rs 38 ($0.59) in 2009 to Rs 8 ($0.13) today.
In November 2015, a CEA status report showed construction was on hold for a second phase of development in Amravati, which would double the plant’s capacity.

Shortly after Rajiv Rattan, chairman of Rattan India, told Business Today magazine: “I don’t want to build plants if I am bombarded with all these problems.
“I can easily scale up my second phase of the Amravati plant, but I am not in a hurry to do it. I need a good PPA, and insulation from imported coal prices along with clarity on availability of coal. I have all the clearances for water, environment etc. But I need more visibility of regulated returns before I build the second phase.”
Another obstacle not mentioned by Rattan is local opposition.
Sanjay Kolhe, an activist from the Kisan Ekta Manch (Farmers’ Unity Front), told Climate Home that villagers had been protesting since 2010 against the two large pipelines the company was constructing to carry water to the plant and succeeded in getting one cancelled.
“We didn’t want it to take water used for irrigating crops to produce electricity,” he said. “It needed 240 million litres a day for its full capacity of 2,700MW. Because it only receives half that amount, it has cancelled its second phase.”
Rattan could not be reached for comment, but his company’s more recent investments tell their own story. Rattan India last year announced that instead of building a coal-fired plant in Punjab state, it would cover the 800-acre site in solar panels.

Saturday, 22 April 2017

Fighting climate change in an unequal world

http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-earth-day-fighting-climate-change-in-an-unequal-world-2411131



POLLUTION_LKGK

#EarthDayWithDNA: Fighting climate change in an unequal world

POLLUTION_LKGK (Getty Images)
DARRYL D’MONTE | Sat, 22 Apr 2017-07:40am , DNA
The Paris Climate Accord is considered a success. But, it places disproportionate burden of mitigation efforts on developing countries. Climate justice remains a distant dream.
With the ascent of US President Donald Trump, the climate agreement signed by most countries in Paris in December 2015 is in grave danger of being diluted, with the distinct possibility of the US — the world’s second biggest emitter of greenhouse gases — pulling out. The agreement was modest in its ambition, since it required each country to state its Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) to reducing carbon emissions, and then subject such voluntary commitments to international scrutiny.
The prevarication by the US, which was the top polluter till China replaced it a few years ago, will obscure the basic dichotomy in climate negotiations between industrial and developing countries. The former was responsible for the problem by burning fossil fuels at an alarming rate, while the later is paying the price for it. What is more, as the late Anil Agarwal of the Delhi-based think-tank, Centre for Science & Environment, argued in the early 1990s, there is a distinction between the “historical” emissions of industrial countries and “survival” emissions of developing countries.
US official sources, using UN data, show that the average American emitted 16.4 tonnes of carbon dioxide in 2013, as opposed to 7.6 tonnes by a Chinese and only 1.6 tonnes by an Indian. Gulf states fared worst, with Qatar registering 40.5 tonnes, and Kuwait 27.3 tonnes. If one takes the global ecological footprint, which is the amount of land and water that each person occupies to source one’s natural resources, the UAE also fares badly, since it obtains these from other countries.
During UN climate negotiations, beginning with the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” for tackling climate change between developed and poor countries was firmly established, but is being gradually watered down by the former. Basically, they want all countries to take action to mitigate the consequences of climate change, rather than adapt to it as the global South has to do.
The Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) in Mumbai holds an annual climate conference, where it has been putting forward the concept of a ‘carbon budget’. This is the amount of emissions that industrial versus developing countries have to avert catastrophic climate change from crossing two degrees Celsius. Between 2012 and 2100, this will amount to a total of 270 Gigatonnes of carbon (Gtc). Forgetting about historical emissions and simply dividing this budget between all countries on a per capita basis, industrial countries have only 50 Gtc left. If one takes the pledge made by June 2015, including the pre-2020 commitments and the INDCs (mostly till 2030), when TISS held its meet before the Paris conclave, developed countries will be emitting 51Gtc between 2012 and 2030 itself. As TISS argues, “So the budget that is available to industrial countries for the duration of 88 years will be exhausted in a span of 18 years.
“These countries will therefore consume more than their per capita share of the future carbon budget (as they have already done for the cumulative carbon dioxide emitted in the past). This would mean that either the developing countries will have to undertake mitigation burdens that are inequitably large, or the world will have to face a maximum temperature increase of more than two degrees Celsius — the burden of which will also fall on developing countries.”
The notion of equity therefore is the bedrock of climate negotiations, which is now being abandoned in favour of a one-size-fits-all approach. What is more, the equity should be operationalised, and not just mouthed as rhetoric, in the formulation and implementation of post-Paris goals.
In 1991, Agarwal and Sunita Narain titled their startling treatise ‘Global Warming in an Unequal World: A Case of Environmental Colonialism’. This rebutted calculations by the Washington-based World Resources Institute that China and India figured among the top five emitters in the world. It pointed to the flaws in these estimates as well as the omission of historical emissions in the US institute’s calculus. Instead, it for the first time posed the more telling alternative — per capita emissions, which tell an entirely different story. Thus, while China figures at the top of the world’s emitters today, its per capita emissions is less than half of an American’s.
While pointing to the global inequality in climate negotiations, one should not fall into the trap of ignoring the inequalities within emerging countries like India. The emissions of some 300 million Indians will approximate developed countries’ levels and have to be reduced in order to establish a level playing field within the country. Otherwise, the poor will bear the burden of climate change — whether it is the searing heat of Phalodi in Rajasthan, which touched 51 degrees Celsius in 2016, or Anantapur in Andhra Pradesh, or floods in eastern India.
A 2015 study titled ‘Climate Change: A Risk Assessment’ by research agencies in the US, China, the UK and India in 2016, claimed that flooding in the Ganga basin could become six times more frequent by the end of this century. According to another 2015 study by the US-based National Centre for Atmospheric Research, soot or ‘black carbon’ in peninsular India travels southwards from the northern plains, where poor households cook on smoky wood stoves. This carbon constitutes nearly one-tenth of the finest measurable particulate matter with a diameter of 2.5 micrometres or less, which lodges itself in one’s lungs and causes severe impairment. Besides, when these pollutants are wafted on to the Himalayan slopes, they accentuate snow melt with floods alternating with drought in the Indo-Gangetic belt.
There is thus a strong case for helping poor households in northern India switch to cleaner fuels like LPG, as well as solar energy. Indeed, this presents India with the opportunity to develop its renewable energy industry, a market which is expected to touch US$6 trillion by 2030. China is emerging as the leader, but India could well have a toe in the door with its International Solar Alliance, which was unveiled in Paris two years ago.
The author is Chairperson, Forum of Environmental Journalists of India (FEJI)


http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/missing-the-point-on-road-safety-4617156/

Missing the point on road safety

Shift the onus for accidents from drivers to the transport system

Written by Darryl D’Monte | Published:April 18, 2017 12:37 am
national highways, highway accidents, national highways accidents, Motor Vehicles Act, india news, indian expressMohan is fond of challenging the “mythology” that penal measures by themselves lead to better safety.
It is always unsettling to hear Dinesh Mohan — now retired but guest faculty at IIT-Delhi, where he has, for decades, been analysing road safety issues. One came away from his recent presentation in Mumbai feeling wary about being at the wheel of a car — or, for that matter, even seated at the back, particularly on a highway. The event, organised by the environmental NGO Parisar from Pune, laid out the basic facts about the terrible toll on human lives on Indian roads. In 2015, there were just over 4,50,000 accidents in the country, of which nearly 1,50,000 were fatal, amounting to 410 deaths and some 1,300 injuries every day.
National highways and state expressways accounted for two-thirds of these deaths. It would be prudent to estimate that with the slew of new highways like the Golden Quadrilateral, and a highway proposed between Nagpur and Mumbai, this toll will only increase. However, there is no reliable data on accidents, Mohan observes. He contrasts this with the US, UK, Netherlands and Japan, where the accident rate was increasing till 1970, when a number of measures made roads safer. The improved design and technology of cars also led to a fall in accidents. But in many Indian cities, according to the National Crime Records Bureau, the accident rate has gone up two to five times in the last five years — this must be due to the burgeoning “automobilisation” of our society.
Mohan is fond of challenging the “mythology” that penal measures by themselves lead to better safety. He believes there was a paradigm shift abroad: Instead of forcing people to adapt to traffic situations, countries worked on eliminating risk factors from traffic. In other words, instead of blaming bad drivers, the authorities treated people as “normal” and worked on reforming the system.
Another myth is that as countries get richer, the number of accidents decline. Countries like Iran, Kuwait and Thailand have high death rates per one lakh people. What is more, education by itself may not improve matters. Research has shown that driving instruction in school — children can drive in the US once they are 16 — can enable many to get their licences earlier and actually increase the number of crashes. “Culture” doesn’t count either: An urbanised and literate state like Tamil Nadu topped the fatality rate among states in 2014, followed by Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.
The alternative approach, such as that adopted in Sweden, is to shift the onus for accidents from drivers to the road transport system. The system must be so designed that it accommodates the individual who has the worst protection and lowest tolerance to road violence. This would obviously include the young, elderly and physically challenged. The much-vaunted “greening” of highways in India, without proper safeguards, is actually hazardous because a speeding car can veer off and hit a tree, proving fatal.
Roundabouts at important intersections can greatly reduce accidents, as much of Lutyens’ Delhi should know. It is a no-brainer that a reduction in traffic speed reduces accidents, so devices such as speed-breakers are essential. The American Journal of Public Health points out that speed “humps” reduce the dangers to children by a half to two-thirds. A 1 per cent increase in speed leads to a 3 per cent increase in deaths, which is why New York City has reduced the maximum speed from 50 to 40 kmph. Mohan makes a strong case for fixing a speed limit of 50 kmph on urban arterial roads in the country, while the “iconic” Bandra-Worli Sea Link in Mumbai, for example, permits 80 kmph. Four-lane highways are very accident-prone, which is why all traffic “calming” measures are required.
Simple improvements, like bright lights at junctions, speed cameras, a police presence and making helmets compulsory can work wonders. Seat belts worn even at the rear, which is seldom done here, can lower the risk of death to occupants by upto three-quarters. Many people who die on the roads aren’t drivers or passengers, but pedestrians, who aren’t using motorised transport to begin with but have an equal, if not greater, right to the roads. In the years studied by Mohan, they accounted for 47 per cent of accident deaths in Delhi and 79 per cent in Mumbai, motorised two-wheelers accounted for 26 and 7 per cent of such deaths in Delhi and Mumbai, and car crashes only accounted for 3 and 2 per cent of the accident death in the two cities.
Mohan believes that the bill to amend the Motor Vehicles Act — passed by the Lok Sabha last week — by increasing fines five-fold and even more, misses the point because drivers aren’t necessarily deterred by such fines. Instead, frequent, visible and unpredictable checks — not by electronic means — will help more. Further, there are no permanent safety experts in central agencies like the National Highways Authority of India and in states. However, given that drivers of vehicles on highways earn around Rs 15,000 a month, fines and other measures may indeed act as a caution. There is also no doubt that provisions like standardising driving licences and regulating the certification of vehicles throughout the country can help curb the virtual epidemic of fatal accidents.
The writer is chairman emeritus, Forum of Environmental Journalists in India

Friday, 7 April 2017



http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-shoring-up-the-builders-2386866


SHORING UP THE BUILDERS?

DARRYL D’MONTE | Sat, 8 Apr 2017, DNA

Since 1991, the Coastal Regulation Zone notifications have been amended 25 times. Making it an Act of Parliament will stall frequent dilutions.
Were it not for the persistence of an activist affiliated to the Centre for Policy Research in Delhi, the January 2015 report of a committee to review the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) law of 2011 might not have seen the light of day. The report was submitted to the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) that month and her repeated requests for a copy, under the RTI, were turned down. Only after she filed a case did she obtain a copy. Since then, the law has been diluted several times and on some occasions, clauses have been lifted verbatim from the confidential report. It is no secret that ever since the law was originally enacted in 1981, states along the coast have been up in arms against it on the ground that it impacts “development”, which is shorthand for real estate construction.
Some of the projects that have benefited from this recent dilution are monuments/memorials (the Sardar Patel statue in Gujarat) in CRZ areas. This may well set a precedent for building the Rs 3,600-crore memorial for Shivaji on reclaimed land off Marine Drive in Mumbai. The report proposes to allow high-rise buildings (in Chennai) in CRZ areas within 500 metres of the high-tide line, and to permit reclamation of land from the sea (in Mumbai) for facilities such as ports, roads, harbours, and the like. Since Mumbai is the country’s commercial capital, builders have been lobbying against the restrictive CRZ. Even 15 years ago seaside real estate had exchanged hands for Rs 1 lakh per square feet ($2,000 at prevailing exchange rates), some of the highest prices in the world.
Politicians have been aiding and abetting them. Former PWD Minister Chhagan Bhujbal, now in jail, had seven years ago advocated road projects along the coast, which require CRZ clearance. The serving BJP MLA, Mangal Prabhat Lodha, who is a major builder, had listed the proposed Rs 16,000-crore coast road in his election manifesto. The coast road was initially to run from Nariman Point in south Mumbai to the suburb of Versova in the north. It would have bisected the fishing village of Juhu-Moragaon and made it difficult for the residents to access their boats. For this, as well as the potential destruction of mangroves, the road will end halfway in Bandra, after which it will be a sea link some 900 metres off the coast.
The clandestine report to MoEFCC even suggested that CRZ areas 500 metres from the high-tide line should not fall under state environment departments but under state town planning departments, which self-evidently lack the expertise to judge any environmental impact. It also proposed that in “densely populated” coastal zones, the no-development zone should be reduced from 200 metres to just 50 metres. While the state has turned a blind eye to the protests of environmentalists against such projects, they have had to pay some heed to the objections from fisherfolk, whose livelihood is threatened by such schemes.
In 2010, then Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh commissioned a review of the CRZ by the Ahmedabad-based Centre for Environment Education (CEE). The NGO argued that far from diluting it, the CRZ ought to be strengthened by converting it into an Act, so that it wouldn’t be amended again and again. The CEE stated that if an Act wasn’t forthcoming, a clause should be introduced in the existing CRZ notification so that any amendment could only be done through a public consultation process with coastal communities. Its 70-page report had inputs from 4,500 coastal communities, apart from experts.
The report called for stringent punishment for CRZ violations, including for destroying mangroves, illegal sand mining, oil spills, and effluent discharge. While case after case of sand mining is reported every other day, in the context of the largest construction boom in the world after China, the CEE recommended that removal of sand from the coast should be prohibited. One should never underestimate the ingenuity of bureaucrats, with collusive builders, in bypassing the CRZ. In Mumbai, certain coastal areas like Mahim have been redesignated as “bays”, thereby reducing the ban on construction from 500 metres from the high-tide line to 100 metres. Two 50-storey buildings are thus coming up, thanks to the state’s largesse, and 24 more such projects have been announced in Mumbai. By the same token, the entire east coast of India could come under the 100-metre rule because it fronts the Bay of Bengal. The yardstick used to dilute the CRZ in creeks and estuaries can’t be applied to bays, the shoreline of which is subjected to waves and tidal action twice a day.
The author is Chairperson, Forum of Environmental Journalists of India (FEJI)



Mumbai highway project threatens new air pollution crisis

Sea breezes have protected Mumbai from air pollution, but a new coastal road will send exhaust fumes from 200,000 cars each day drifting across the city
Taxis in Mumbai. (Photo: GFDL/Creative Commons)

By Darryl D'Monte in Mumbai

Mumbai risks becoming India’s new air pollution problem child with construction about begin on a new $2.38bn coastal highway that will send exhaust fumes wafting across the island city and its suburbs.

If Mumbai has been spared the ignominy of New Delhi – listed by the World Health Organisation in 2014 as the most polluted city in the world, along with 13 of the 20 worst polluted figuring in India – it is due to sea breezes that cool this megacity.

The coast road and sea link could put paid to that with some 200,000 cars estimated to use the route every day. Cars and taxis crossed the one million mark in Mumbai in the past year. The Brihanmumbai (Greater Mumbai) Municipal Corporation (BMC) will scrap tolls on the coast road, increasing the traffic flow.

“The coast road will increase air pollution as additional traffic is placed in an area where natural wind patterns carry pollutants into the city during some seasons,” said Sumaira Abdulali of the Awaaz Foundation, a Mumbai NGO. “Mumbai is already among the most polluted cities in the world and the health of its citizens demands that all efforts are made towards reducing air pollution, not creating additional sources in locations which will worsen the problem for the entire city.”

Asked about the increase in air pollution from the road, BMC chief engineer Mohan Machiwal told Climate Home: “We have conducted an environmental impact assessment: it will be beneficial to the environment. Since traffic will move smoothly, it will save fuel and reduce the carbon footprint.”

Ashok Datar, who heads the NGO Mumbai Environmental Social Network, said the detailed project report for the road was inconsistent in projecting future traffic volumes increasing by 5% per year. Mumbai’s central business district was shifting from the south to northern suburbs, which was why 50,000 fewer cars are using the existing sea link than estimated previously.

recent study by the Indian Institute of Technology in Mumbai found air pollution caused 80,665 premature deaths in adults over 30 in Mumbai and Delhi in 2015, twice the number in 1995. Delhi recorded more such deaths due to vehicle exhausts, among other pollutants.
Work will soon begin on the 32-km route along the west coast of Mumbai, after many false starts. It was revived seven years ago as an extension of a 4.5-km sea link that was completed in 2009, both southwards towards the central business district and northwards to the western suburbs.

In his budget speech in February 2016, municipal commissioner Ajoy Mehta said that the coast road was “one of the most prestigious projects to be undertaken by the BMC… It is proposed to resolve the traffic congestion in Mumbai in addition to providing several environmental friendly features to the city.”

Despite not receiving final environmental clearances from the federal Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change, the BMC  is testing the soil along beaches as well as identifying consultants with international experience to complete the road up to Bandra, a suburb.

Environmentalists and public transport activists have made requests for a public hearing, which have been repeatedly turned down. They organised an independent people’s tribunal in October 2015, where two former municipal commissioners, scientists and experts unanimously called for the project to be scrapped.

Dr Rakesh Kumar, chief scientist of the Mumbai Center of the National Environment Engineering Research Institute, said that it would be more effective to transport commuters through multiple alternatives discussed in the tribunal report.

“Even if we spend a fraction of the money in the existing public transport system, we would have solved the problem to a greater extent,” he said. “The current neglect of public transport shows that the project is mainly to move cars and not people.

“Environmental impacts of the project have been very marginally addressed. The major issue is the impact on beaches and shores. More so, when we are looking at the climate change impacts which will comprise high/extreme events and sea level rise.”

The BMC’s own detailed project report [as it is officially known] for the road said: “Greater Mumbai’s environmental health is affected by increasing air pollution (caused by vehicular pollution and construction)…while its coastal location makes the city vulnerable to flooding and landslides, specially during the monsoon.”

According to a recent unpublished paper by R. Mani Murali from the National Institute of Oceanography, as much as 40% of Mumbai – a staggering 190 sq km – could be under water within a century.

“Going by previous studies by NIO researchers, we considered a 3 mm rise (annually) in sea levels along Mumbai’s coast. That, coupled with factors such as natural calamities and tidal changes, will result in an approximate increase of 3 metres,” Murali told the Hindustan Times newspaper.

Due to protests by environmentalists, the municipal corporation has abandoned the extension of the road from Bandra to Versova and replaced it with a sea link, 900 metres off the coast. The original alignment would have bisected some fishing villages, cutting off access to boats, and also destroy mangroves when 170 hectares of land were reclaimed. (ends)